| 词汇 | example_english_landlord |
| 释义 | Examples of landlordThese examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. The tenants were planning to sue their landlords for fair returns on the cotton crop. The beneficiaries are overwhelmingly large landlords and industrial capital. The identification of these petty landlords, though at times a tortuous process, is not impossible; their tenants are another matter. Cultivators included both well-off landlords and their much poorer tenants. In such ways the landlords were thought to be responsible for failing to give tenants 'a fair field' in their struggle against foreign competition. The provision of capital was divided between landlords and tenants. Improvement on the ground involved other social groups than the landlords and their agents. Inhabitation of a portion of land was to be more emphatically on the landlord's terms. Evidence from this study contrasts with assumptions of strict control by landlords based on their theoretical powers. In these cases, landlords or their agents often had privileged access to market information and could provide better managerial skills. Fixed investment such as in liming or buildings was usually financed by landlords, although tenants had to provide the labour. What motivated the landlords to drive older tenants out of their property by harassment ? Thus, small traders, indigenous producers and small farmers have to depend upon friends, relatives, landlords and money-lenders for loans. He appears to be answering some critic, not identified, who has objected that ecclesiastical landlords are not hereditary and may not come from the nobility. They had the power to force landlords to pay for improvements on their estates over which they had little or no control. In some cases the estates already had rudimentary laboratories built by former landlords for the analysis of soil, seeds, and fertilizers. Barred by landlords from the mainstream urban rental market, they lived in wretched tenements. Protectionist fallacies had all been exposed, enlightenment was spreading, and landlords' resistance simply encouraged the build-up of more pressure for revenge. Allocations policies currently operated by most social landlords have evolved incrementally over a considerable period. The landlords sold most of their grain deliveries on the local grain markets. They make pledges, take blood oaths, and form compacts to resist the landlords. The landlords can gain possession only on finely specified grounds, and their rent level can be controlled. Partly because the state was not being run efficiently either, the landlords did not protect cooperatives and so failure was rife. Although this allowed cultivators an important degree of freedom, they were nonetheless expected to fulfil certain obligations towards these landlords. Such a concord revolved around the extent of a landlord's legitimate political influence, depending on the tenants' willingness to accept his or her political guidance. There was however a conspicuously greater number of open than close parishes, and even in the latter, landlords' control was rarely complete. Generally, this seems to be the case with landlords around the region. Others have bought second hand, or as sitting tenants from private or public landlords. Nowhere was this link more apparent than in the attitudes displayed by landlords during the purchase and sale of particular landed properties. The aim of the articles about commons was to exclude the landlords from their use. What this suggests is that artists who escape the gallery or the auditorium find themselves in other kinds of contract with landlords and legislators. Their narratives tell of night border crossings, searches for work, letters home, landlords, business ventures, girlfriends. The landlords sent an official to keep an eye on village people. Visitors described the parish as ' naked and unadorned ', with large clusters of trees found only on the landlord's personal estate. Because the act now decontrolled properties on a change of tenancy, landlords were offered a financial advantage in forcing a controlled tenant to leave. Politics was geared towards acquiring state income, just as estate improvements were designed to augment the landlords' rents. The same was true of forest land, access to which was supervised by the landlord's officials. In its place, improvers argued for the autonomy of landlords to decide the size, and tenants to decide the produce of farms. They tend to have moved around the country, staying with landlords or in common lodging houses, other dormitory-style hostels or poor quality hotels. The second group are those who purchased older pre-1919 dwellings in the post-war period, often as sitting tenants of private landlords. Provisions were also there for the landlords to resume lands for their own cultivation, or cultivation by family members. The reaction of government and the landlords was predictable and harsh. The evidence of landholding suggests difficulties for both labour and landlords. The frequently contentious relationship between the state and landlords, in contrast, receives little attention. After 1862 landlords could contract labourers without going through the rural magistrate, but the decision could be costly. The working classes who were not poor enough for the workhouse were housed in appalling conditions provided almost entirely by private landlords. Poorer tenants are likely to live in the properties in the worst condition and their landlords are more likely to have an 'investment motive'. Mostly, landlords are attempting to avoid concentrations of young single people or the creation of high child densities. The standard approach to allocations among social landlords is also fundamentally bureaucratic in the way that applicants are matched with vacancies. Not only was the enterprise illegal but many individuals, especially the landlords, thought it to be immoral. There are references in the 1880s to evictions and reprisals by landlords towards colonos. Many buildings were authorized by landlords with the objective of reducing transport costs. The smaller the landlord's stock was to supervise, the less profitable was the share relative to fixed-rent tenancy. At the very moment when an increase of supervision by landlords was needed they simultaneously faced the loss of their internal control of the contract. The landlords reacted to these new practices of the colonos. Each domaine contained about three to five farms and a small area, called the 'reserve', cultivated either by a landlord's agent or a sharecropper. Once again economies of scale in marketing explain why these farmers were often in charge of more than three farms, sometimes owned by different landlords. With respect to inputs, the landlords usually provided the land, the livestock and increasingly a large share of the most expensive machinery. Over the years, large portions of land had indeed become occupied by tenants and ' squatters ' farming the land without formal agreements with the landlords. Even if landlords did strive to achieve their desired outcome this was not the same as achieving it. Over time these new residents bought their homes from the landlords and carried out improvements to their dwellings. In the perception of the surveyor, the land is defined as property, as the landlord's 'own' (1993: 341). Such tenants enjoyed low annual rents and relative freedom in day to day activities from their distant landlords. As expected, it was not unusual for landlords to confiscate any crops that happened to be present. An example in the nineteenth century was the resistance to the introduction of sanitary regulations, which was opposed by landlords and shopkeepers. The horse-power equivalent of steam engines that they or their landlords bought therefore vastly overstates the real boost they provided to farm motive power. Following the land reforms of 1922-6, three-quarters of their estates were transferred to the peasantry, with minimal compensation to the landlords. The power of charitable trustees, landlords (resident or otherwise) and of the clergy themselves is relatively underplayed. The powerful role of the landlords in the region was limited to formal supervision where the transfer of a headship was concerned. Moreover, boundaries between the factions of big landlords, large merchants, and textile industrialists were extremely permeable. They in turn received tobacco, clothes, food materials and so on from the landlords. The forests were treated as de facto private property of the landlords. The cultivators had to pay rent to the landlords and tax to the government. In contrast to the landlords, the missionaries had no reasons to be satisfied with this proclamation. The village notables maintained their political role without - becoming large landlords. First, landlords did not uniformly oppose making landholding arrangements more flexible and the dissolution of the more rigid structures of single hides. Among influential factors the fragmentation of manors, retreat from demesnes and a relatively high mobility of property among landlords were important. We have seen that most of these landlords could be found in regions where specialization in livestock was important, especially in cattle rearing and meat-production. Minor products, such as poultry, belonged to the tenant, who did, however, often have to supply the landlord's kitchen with a given amount of produce. The higher the labour services imposed by the landlords, the more labour each household needed to perform this duty. Both home improvement agencies and public landlords have found it difficult to fund these small but often vital works. During the 16th to 19th centuries, estate and plantation mapping focused on large scale plotting of individual landlords' properties. Controls discriminated against landlords, created shortages, and produced enormous anomalies in the market. There has recently been an increasing focus on the way that social landlords can use their powers as gatekeepers. In the 1980s, close to 70% of the land was rented from nonfarming landlords. Scholars and intellectuals from both regions were concerned to ensure efficient production and security of the landlord's interests. Most farmers (66.9%) had rented farmland; landlords were family (33.3%), nonfamily (37.8%), and both family and non-family (28.8%). Although freed from landlords and moneylenders, they were enslaved by their new employers. Moves out of home ownership in old age would be dependent on the emergence of new landlords seeking to exploit this market. Agencies and landlords in case study areas reported that the statutory procedure used in assessing ' reference rents ' for housing benefit limits produces unrealistic rent levels. First, a large proportion of social landlords restrict eligibility for social housing thereby contributing directly to exclusion. Others maintain registers of private landlords, encourage landlords to advertise in the housing department and target landlords with information about tenants' rights and obligations. The landlords and their agents also deserve some reproach for the methods they used to choose who would emigrate and where they were sent. Many landlords began to consider assisted emigration in the wake of these new laws. In some ways, this practice resembles a rental market, and the allocating chiefs resemble landlords. The landlords were dissatisfied with this primarily because it resulted in a substantial reduction of their income from rent. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. |
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