| 词汇 | example_english_democracy |
| 释义 | Examples of democracyThese examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. Advocates of market liberalization commonly worry that democracies will eschew economically rational policies because voters cannot tolerate short-term pain on the promise of long-term gain. The demand for redistribution is fairly inelastic across industrialized democracies. Further, while the number of new parties decreases gradually as democracies age, the support for new entrants follows no clear unidirectional pattern across time. Establishing whether democracies adopt similar growth strategies is important : the economic strategies chosen by governments can have serious implications for income distribution and human welfare. Moreover, my calculations of consensus democracies from the late 1960s to 1990 are not closely associated with neo-corporatism. Such developing democracies clearly represent promising territory for research on the political impact of television. To date, this coding procedure has been applied to over 1,500 programmes, in about thirty democracies, during the post-war period. We tested this assertion on 113 elections in thirteen democracies. The culmination of a decade-long process of harmonization and negotiation, this invitation symbolized the success of these countries in instituting political democracies and market economies. Electoral democracies now represent 120 of the 192 existing countries and constitute 62.5 percent of the world's population. We expect that the more advanced democracies will have mass publics who are negative to a situation where religion plays an important role in politics. The directive for emerging democracies is clear - promote democratically oriented parties and citizen participation in these parties. In most parliamentary democracies, single parties are unable to command a majority of support in the legislature. Finally, he finds evidence that new democracies with low levels of initial political competition are also more likely to meet with civil conflict. Why do new parties keep emerging and winning votes in new democracies? We now model in game-theoretic terms the process of cabinet appointment in parliamentary democracies with a presidential head of state. Most empirical research on electoral accountability has explored a relatively limited set of established democracies, nearly all of which have parliamentary forms of government. A properly functioning and ' blind ' judicial system is an important part of the development of effective modern democracies. With the new democracies, there were rising expectations that increased political participation would lead to politically motivated violence which finally would become a past issue. In fact, his argument seems vindicated in most industrial democracies for the last two decades. First, all democracies, for their survival and prosperity, are assumed to depend principally on the support of their citizens. We might think so, because we believe all actual democracies fall short of the ideal. Democracy's positive contributions to character and psyche are further sources of its value. To measure democracy's effect on the stock of human capital, we need to allow for a significant time lag. Democracies may experience typically more constitutional government transfers than dictatorships, and dictatorships may have more unconstitutional government changes than democracies. The proximity scores for the capitalist democracies consist of the mean of the economic, political and social welfare coefficients. Since we employ only advanced industrialized democracies in our sample, we believe that if a bias exists at all, it is negligible. In constitutional democracies, laws take time to be deliberated upon, to be passed, and to be implemented. Achieving a better understanding of the nature of strategic voting in new democracies will improve our ability to predict the effects of electoral reform. In this article, we challenge the notion that new democracies have significantly fewer strategic voters than the mature democracies. To check this we investigate how accurately parliaments and governments represent the left-right position of the median voter in each of twenty parliamentary democracies. Along the 'executive-parties' dimension, consensual democracies should have a positive impact on the redistributive capacity of the state. Both involve basic normative issues in market democracies. Large partisan effects typify majoritarian democracies and states, in which the legislature and the executive are ' sovereign'. In many new democracies, regionalism is a strong factor in voters' decisions, especially when multiple ethnic groups divide the countries. In promising emerging democracies, progress has been uneven, fragile and all too often reversible. Where new democracies are fragile, presidents may favour decentralisation as a means of furthering the democratisation process itself.#! In democracies, for example, citizens are generally entitled to vote for officials and hence they do participate in the operations of the legal system. One solution to the principal-agent problem, prevalent in advanced democracies, is professionalisation, which requires resources, incentives and civic readiness to defend the democratic order. The ubiquity of contemporary non-state policing raises important normative and policy issues about what attitude democracies should take to it. The electoral rule emerges from this research as one of the primary determinants of fiscal policy in modern democracies. According to him, incumbent politicians in democracies have to fear that challengers mobilise disaffected voters. Perhaps the most consistent result from the studies of party emergence in advanced democracies is the effect of short-term economic performance. Minor-party support can be seen as a deterrent to stability in many democracies. To the extent that the military regime's behaviour arose from anticipating democracy's impending arrival, an important methodological issue emerges. In established democracies, with well-understood legal conventions and a robust civil society that limits the exercise of government power, media effects may often be modest. Similarly, these results hold implications for understanding change in advanced industrial democracies. Consequently, we expect that being in the minority should have a stronger effect on protest potential in newer democracies relative to mature ones. Even in developed democracies, scholars have found more pronounced effects when one or more of the features that normally limit media influence did not hold. The informational context in most democracies, too, is quite different. Economic expansions - or anticipated contractions - invite early elections in the majority of parliamentary democracies that permit them. However pointed our criticisms of these democracies, we should never forget this achievement. Rather, in democracies, people decide together what they shall be bound to do. Accompanying the fear that affects liberal democracies is the challenge that states undertake new and unusual methods to discipline and punish. Alternatively, in democracies with universal suffrage, elected representatives are supported by party members, trade unions, intellectuals, and newspapers. Because they are institutionally fragile and democratically incomplete, ' delegative democracies ' are more vulnerable to alteration and erosion. The resulting appointment of cronies rather than well-qualified experts to important policy positions has weakened democracies' socioeconomic performance and exacerbated popular cynicism. While vote-buying, for example, is a well-known feature of many new (and some older) democracies, it is notoriously hard to enforce such agreements. None of these frequently cited factors, however, convincingly explains the divergent health policies enacted by industrialized democracies in the twentieth century. The "psychologization" of technologies of the self in advanced liberal democracies needs to be understood in terms of these connections between ethics and politics. We must search for the functional equivalents in democracies to the devices that in predemocratic and protodemocratic societies ensured the practical conditions for intellectual divergence. What then explains party success in the new democracies ? On the other hand, liberal democracies do demand a high level of participation in the use and design of veils. They had believed that they were in a frantic race to save the western democracies. At the same time, it is less clear that these countries can be said to have consolidated democracies using more stringent criteria. A major area of concern over the past decade has been the level of democratic consolidation in the new democracies. Liberal democracies recognize that we each have a claim on a life that is, in some sense, our own. Whatever this amounts to, just democracies cannot support a class of people who exist because of the work of another class. Moreover, most of the rich capitalist democracies have something resembling the proper democratic forms. Indeed, so entwined are public-interest arguments in the political and governmental structures of advanced democracies that we would be hard-pressed to do without them. At considerable methodological length, the author examines the successes and failures of the social democracies as parliamentary competitors; this is the core of his book. Although most syndicalists in non-belligerent countries clearly sympathized with the democracies, they declined to invoke these sympathies to justify intervention. Most nascent democracies were born with weak judiciaries. In multi-party democracies, several parties usually have to join together in coalition to form government. The result is representative democracies based on great social polarisation and the persistence of attitudes and practices of the past. Why are these apparent disjunctions growing in contemporary democracies ? Secondly, the measures should vary significantly so that they distinguish between types of capitalist democracies, rather than distinguish all capitalist democracies from other regimes. Voters in new democracies are also believed to perceive the party vote as an end in itself rather than an instrumental act. A critical aspect of the consolidation of post-communist democracies is the consolidation of the party system. In sum, controversy exists regarding the extent of strategic voting in nascent democracies. The article concludes with an assessment of the implications of our findings for the debate over the rewards of coalition membership in parliamentary democracies. Instead, modern democracies were identified with elections as the central institution of representative government. There is nothing specifically original in the above characterisation of the political culture of delegative democracies. Is delegativeness the most distinctive feature of the new democracies ? Why have some been more successful in becoming stable democracies? During the first half of the 1930s the democracies were thus confronted with an unprecedented challenge to their legitimacy. His pluralist imitators argued that" responsible" party elites used their limited powers to shape voters' opinion primarily to preserve the stability of liberal democracies. In this image the state in liberal democracies is separated from its society by only a thin membrane of formal legality. There can be no question of arguing in transhistorical terms for the moral superiority of liberal democracies. I then consider the relationships among democratic consolidation, freedom of speech, and the advantages and disadvantages of censorship in both the old and new democracies. His current research project is the impact of the world polity on new democracies. Modern democracies are dependent on non-bureaucratic political institutions to ensure that the large bureaucracies employed by modern governments do not become excessively autonomous. The liberal democracies that we know were liberal first and democratic later. Secondly, legal and political processes are inextricably intertwined in contemporary constitutional democracies. Many observers in liberal democracies have become increasingly preoccupied with the democratic deficit, declining confidence in existing institutions, and the rise of anti-democratic movements. To date, this coding procedure has been applied to over 1,000 programmes, in about twenty democracies, during the post-war period. Because they have democratized backwards, most third-wave countries are currently incomplete democracies. Testing our hypotheses requires data about protest potential at the level of individuals collected in an adequate number of contemporary democracies. Unified government occurs at times in virtually all democracies and does not necessarily undermine the system of checks and balances. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. |
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