词汇 | example_english_welfare-state |
释义 | Examples of welfare stateThese examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. Yet another mentioned 'el welfarestate' and 'dumping'. Thus, retrenchment in some areas of the welfarestate may be accompanied by expansion in others. Here a narrative is constructed that collapses history and that reconstructs the post-war welfare state as producing, rather than ameliorating, inequalities. Although this article focused on one programme in one welfarestate, the analysis has implications for a wider understanding of the politics of welfare retrenchment. This article examines the origins and evolution of the idea of an employer mandate and labor's entanglements with the institutions of the private welfarestate. Professionals worked in the public interest, while individuals in receipt of the benefits of the welfarestate were essentially passive. This can in part be explained by the heterogeneity of welfarestate policies. It maintained its commitment to full employment and a high spending welfarestate long after others had abandoned them. In comparative welfarestate research, regime types are ordinarily identified through the use of multiple indicators, blended together in many complex ways. Beginning in the late 1970s, policy-makers began to rethink welfarestate strategies in light of economic stagnation, international pressures, and new demographic realities. The authors effectively destroy myths from both the left and right about the crisis of the welfarestate and the worsening social problems. He asserts that it is therefore more beneficial to focus upon what a welfarestate does, rather than how much money it is afforded. From this viewpoint, the development of a strong welfarestate that offers a variety of services promotes the decline of family contributions, diminishing their role. There is widespread support for the proposition that reduced welfarestate spending, coupled with tax incentives, generates both reason and resource for private charitable donation. They need to support the welfarestate by relying upon a fundamentally regressive policy instrument: indirect taxation. If it is occurring, substitution has obvious implications, political and otherwise, even in a welfarestate. Moreover, while the welfarestate is under pressure, it does not automatically follow that governments will seek to undertake retrenchment in all programme areas. After large-scale amalgamation reforms in all three countries in the post-war period, local governments have become the implementing agencies of the welfarestate. It is quite clear, therefore, that the administrative - if not political - acceptance of the welfarestate was far from complete. It conveys an image of an already transformed society that requires significant reform - or modernisation - of the welfarestate. Consider its application when appraising policy to increase welfarestate spending; will this always crowd out voluntary charitable giving? Institutions of civil society, including trade unions, churches and voluntary associations, were also intimately involved in the development of the administration of the welfarestate. How do unions influence political decisions about the welfarestate? Given the development and growth of the welfarestate, social security has become the main means of protecting individuals from poverty and insecurity. It is not just the beneficiaries and the bureaucrats who administer the programmes who have a vested interest in the welfarestate. Furthermore, a governance perspective has the potential to tell us something about welfarestate reform, how it proceeds and why. The end of the millennium would witness the twilight of the social model and its institutional manifestation, the welfarestate. Some welfarestate programmes are more popular, or otherwise more resilient to retrenchment, than others. In general, we can say that with the expansion of the social democratic welfarestate traditional philanthropy came to be heavily constrained. The welfarestate is apparently under pressure from ever growing demands and an increasingly limited ability to meet them. The internal logic of existing commitments continues to drive welfarestate development. Among ordinary people, a thicker cultural brew may be needed to sustain social solidarity and welcome newcomers into a democratic welfarestate. According to her reasoning, these cultural differences can be used to substantiate the fact that different types of welfarestate pursue different migration policies. It has been claimed that the welfarestate creates conflicts between those working in the public and the private sectors. The analysis we have presented in the previous pages makes it necessary to control for the degree of welfarestate development. It appears, therefore, that neither urbanisation nor welfarestate expansion are incompatible with felt filial obligations. The latter refers to the issue usually privileged in welfarestate analysis - the scope and coverage of benefit provision. What they do is - like other studies of welfarestate developments - limited. Concerned with the sustainability of the welfarestate, they wished to preserve it for deserving citizens and those in legitimate need. However, polarisation was not substantial and the attitudes of the well-off were still quite positive towards the welfarestate. The welfarestate provided the possibility of such institutions. Indeed, it is often claimed that this period saw the transformation of a number of disparate, limited social measures into a universal welfarestate.$! Transport has had a clear impact upon the welfarestate. This type of welfarestate has, according to him, given way to a new form of post-national regime. Targeting local government for spending cutbacks is an ineffective means of addressing the problem of rising costs associated with the advanced welfarestate. However, this is only one dimension of the welfarestate changes at issue here. I think this experience was an important source of my interest in social issues, and my subsequent extensive writings about the welfarestate. It consisted of an attempt to utilize a nationalist ideology by combining the basic principles of the welfarestate with an emphasis on rapid industrialization. Some versions of this perspective also stress the destructive role of welfarestate provision in promoting 'free-rider' norms. The welfarestate was no longer the guarantor of profit and plenty. The liberal welfarestate is devoted to making markets run smoothly and has a large private component. In sum, the politics of the welfarestate is about more than the benefits programs that have received so much scholarly attention. Quite rightly, she sees ' the family ' as a principal battle ground for competing visions of the welfarestate in the twentieth century. In comparative perspective, the institutional environment of public finance will affect the role of local government in a process of welfarestate retrenchment. Table 1 presents selected characteristics of the welfarestate regimes and of family policies in the countries. Different countries with contrasting welfarestate structures have developed different strategies for organising care and services for people with care needs. Some argue that the rise of the welfarestate has contributed to the weakening of the family as a caring group. The filial responsibility score was included in the regressions of welfarestate orientation and of preferences for care. Expressed ' preferences for long-term care ' and ' welfarestate orientation ' are taken as behavioural intentions. Up until 1945, the optional referendum represented an efficient veto point for groups opposing the welfarestate to dilute state-interventionist social policies. Traditional macrotheories regarding the determinants of the welfarestate do not tell us the whole story. The pensioners' organisations that emerged as the welfarestate matured have changed policy-making and gained considerable influence. With the rise of the new institutionalism, institutional fragmentation has become much discussed as a causal factor behind welfarestate variations. The awful irony of these kinds of community initiatives is that they are often co-opted as a justification for the dismantling of the welfarestate. The contested nature of contemporary welfare analysis has, not surprisingly, had a strong impact on historical interpretation of welfarestate development. But there are still huge differences among national policies, embodied for example in diverging welfarestate models. If these inferences from theory are correct, then we would expect that family solidarity should not decline in response to a growing welfarestate. By measures legislative and fiscal, the welfarestate had become an ideological archipelago, increasingly isolated from the mainland of domestic policy. Government-sponsored health insurance is a central pillar of the modern welfarestate. Traditional differences are however only part of the story, for in all countries there is advocacy for more welfarestate responsibility. He finds fault with existing interpretations of welfarestate development because they fail to give due weight to the variety of national experience. But the challenges of the 1960s rarely threatened the social institutions established by the welfarestate. This period also saw the establishment of a relatively embracing welfarestate, including near-universal education and health-care, as well as pensions for formal-sector workers. In this paper, we examine the impact of welfarestate arrangements on old-age poverty using both monetary and non-monetary indicators. The other three countries tend to favour an equal split between the two, or a family dominance supported by the welfarestate. On the contrary, the political economy perspective emphasises the stratification of interests fixed in welfarestate social programmes. In this contribution, the interaction between the institutions of the family and the welfarestate will be examined from sociological and social policy perspectives. Moreover, a high score for welfarestate orientation associated with a significantly reduced chance of receiving family (and total) help. However, the results also show that some countries are more consistent in their approach to welfarestate provision. In the mid 1970s, the expansion of the welfarestate came to a temporary halt. It asks what does a policy such as integration mean for society's central institutions such as the welfarestate? Our starting point is that the type of welfarestate regime plays a role in generating different processes of reform. A very preliminary synthesis of past research would suggest that welfarestate performance evaluations are driven by some mixture of pure self-interest and justice-related concerns. Changing welfare states demand innovations in welfarestate analysis. The analysis suggests several implications for welfarestate change. As powerful defensive mechanisms, standing frames insulate the welfarestate against reframing initiatives. Therefore, labor's decline and the end of welfarestate expansion happened simultaneously. They are identified and conceptualised via an analysis of the rich comparative case-based literature on the welfarestate. Table 3, which reports the frequency of launched referenda during the three main periods of welfarestate development, supports this view. Again, this example illustrates the historical weight of a welfarestate that has created vested interests at the regional level through enduring redistibutive processes. The author argues, however, that the prevailing notion of reciprocity within any given welfare state is influenced by different institutional structures and programme-specific design features. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. |
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