| 词汇 | example_english_vote |
| 释义 | Examples of voteThese examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. The results of the 2000 presidential election established the importance of a few hundred votes in determining electoral college members in a number of states. The parliamentary party was reduced by half and the party's share of votes cast was down by fourteen per cent. No women voted at all, which mainly accounts for the low proportion. One subject played the role of the health care worker, another was a monitor, and the remaining people were voting members of the community. In the hypothetical survey referendum in each location between 70 to 89 per cent voted for paying $20 annually to support global warming prevention. A separate chapter is devoted to examining whether and to what extent the change in general socioeconomic structures has influenced voting behaviour. The motion was passed with only four votes against. In this context, voting against a legitimate official is not a free expression of preference. At the close of polling, the votes are collected in one central area in each constituency and counted by hand. In other words, local issues, rather than adherence to a broader party manifesto, were determining voting behaviour. The lack of dividends is reflected in the no-arbitrage condition, while the absence of voting rights is not. By political behaviour is meant something more than just voting behaviour, although that is important and will be addressed. They also provide a very useful critique of simplistic accounts of self-interest, age and voting behaviour. Voting is secret, so voting for the good of others, a cooperative and altruistic act, is difficult for them to discover and reward. They, in appreciation, voted him into municipal government, even while he sat in jail, although they, too, condemned his criminal activities. Ultimately, we want to know how parties, in their efforts to attract votes, move across the platform space. Thus parties can play strategically, choosing a platform by which they hope to collect enough votes to win. Most voters gave both of their votes to the same party, but of those who split their votes, most followed the current coalition patterns. Policy moderation by incumbents has a positive significant effect on their votes. Since the candidate with more resources has an advantage when he tries to 'buy' votes, he has the stronger incentive to converge. Under an absolute majority rule, by contrast, there are not enough votes in favour to enact the measure. Politicians who want their votes are therefore likely to emphasize body bags more than geopolitics. Secondly, standard indexes use the random voting model as their assumption of electoral behaviour under a given electoral rule. The seats in these multimember districts are awarded to closed party lists in proportion to the votes they receive. The question then becomes: are these votes the important ones? First applied to roll-call votes in the 1920s, scholars today still use cohesion scores to study the strength of legislative parties. Needless to say, impacts on the legislative result and sanction from the party leadership would differ between voting against and abstaining from the bills. Most journalistic and academic treatments of the policy process focus on the stage when authoritative decisions are made, such as congressional votes or court rulings. A final interpretation is that while maximizing votes is obviously important, maximizing the likelihood of being included in the governing coalition is more important. A voter casts a ballot for the party whose platform generates the higher utility, and the party obtaining the most votes wins the election. We may even think it proper to deny them voting rights, perhaps forever. The second relates the aggregate votes to the variables describing each voivodship. I include state population into the model to test whether it is more difficult for a senator to cultivate personal votes in a larger state. If one is concerned with the prediction of voting behaviour, the above approach is acceptable. My model attempts to gauge whether deputies' votes are consistent with the characteristics of their constituencies, and whether the votes demonstrate party loyalty. On average candidates for committee membership achieved 55 per cent of the valid votes. Under the new system, the number of successful candidates of a given party would be determined by the sum of the two types of votes. I doubt if any party has the ability to estimate each candidate's share of votes under each strategy. However, the share of votes is not appropriate for the index since it is largely influenced by the number of candidates. The electoral culture inherited by the revolutionaries made no provision for declared candidates and contemporaries were equally wary of canvassing for votes. In the second wave, there was a question on how individuals had voted with respect to the two versions of this tax. With such a close split, the loss of only a handful votes is the difference between victory and defeat. Given the circumstances, it is hardly surprising that winning votes and success in elections were their first priority. The general issue is thus, how much flexibility you want for your elected politicians representing the voting population at any given point in time. In each case, central leaders reasoned that they did not have the votes for stronger legislation and saw no advantage in reopening earlier controversies. The average (199,685) is derived from total numbers of votes cast in the 1996 congressional election (86,863,000) divided by the number of seats elected (435). If a candidate wins a majority of the total votes cast in the district in the first round, he or she is elected. Our goal is not to question the importance of short-term economic performance judgements for voting for or against the incumbent in 1996. Such incentives are stronger when the cost of expressing ideas is lowered by mechanisms such as voting systems or organizational structures. The rate of defection was based only on votes attended. The estimates of the probability of voting for the government will be misspecified if this long-run attachment is not taken into account. Respondents were asked if someone from a political party or anyone else had contacted them about the campaign or about voting for a particular candidate. After votes are cast, the electoral system translates these votes into seats in a parliament that then makes policy decisions under majority rule. Beginning with citizens' preferences, rather than votes, has important advantages and is especially more appropriate for a majoritarian vision of democracy. Members of authorizing committees have delegated to members of appropriations committees the power (subject to floor votes) to limit spending. Finally, preferences that facilitate the identification of a focal point on which voters can co-ordinate strategic votes also are significant determinants in the individual-level model. They also find that the absolute level of voting participation in each state is a more influential predictor of health than voting inequality. Voters have an interest in concentrating their votes on parties that can gain representation. We do not discuss another aspect of political corruption - the use of campaign funds by politicians to purchase votes on an individual basis. The nature of the electoral system not only determines the way votes are counted, but also influences the way they are cast. The article illustrates that it is more costly for a safe candidate to buy extra votes than a marginal candidate. In this sense, then, it is impossible to gain by voting contrary to one's preferences. Intriguingly, these data suggest that these fundamental variables are less reflected in voting preferences in non-party list countries as the election approaches. The variables measuring specific aspects of the campaign had the expected relationships with votes. We proposed collecting the modification proposals (votes) from all users to drive ontology drift. Our model assumes that media exposure influences voting behaviour. Politicians would merely maximize votes by responding to exogenously-induced changes in the preferences of voters. The division in votes on the merits, however, was not straightforwardly liberal/conservative. At the subsequent rally the organisers counted around 107 votes, which would normally be sufficient to win them the elections. Do we count both votes as participation because they affect the election's outcome or do we look at motivation? All 1,148 voters cast their votes, yielding a 100 per cent voting rate. There were 44 absentees, leaving a total of 935 people who actually cast their votes. Of the 1,205 collected 936 (77.8 per cent) were valid votes, 158 (13 per cent) invalid and 111 (9.2 per cent) absentees. Diet members' votes outnumbered those determined in prefectural chapters (many of which held primaries among party members). Moreover, anti-prime minister camps cannot make up votes or seats to meet the condition at will. A large number of votes are wasted on the strongest candidate, while the weakest candidate lags far behind and probably loses. Just one year later, an amendment to abolish capital punishment was carried by a similarly close margin of 293 to 262 votes. She acts sincerely in the sense that she votes for an outcome in order to bring that outcome about. Conditions are derived that describe when the outcome of unanimous voting with private information converges to voting when information is entirely common knowledge. Because of this threat, the incumbent spends more but the spendthrift incumbent will fail to garner votes effectively. A cohesion score and a corrected cohesion score were both calculated from these votes. If certain combinations of votes were rejected as inadmissible, they would be effectively disenfranchised. Observing more such votes should increase our degree of belief in that hypothesis further. First, should the success of the victor be measured in votes or seats? To examine this question more systematically, however, we need to model the effect of issue proximity on voting intention. The first is that from voting to not voting. We examine the effects of voting for the winners and losers of presidential and congressional elections on political trust. The short response to this is that it was not our intent to present a new theory of voting behaviour. However, voting for the congressional majority party did not affect people's level of political trust. If the party is not pivotal, we assume that it votes sincerely. If some ten defectors voted against the bills, it would lead to their rejection. The remaining 2.77 per cent of the votes were presumably spoiled ballots. Therefore, we expect that legislators with less concentrated votes are more likely to run for higher office. We establish, for all possible nominating strategies, the conditions on voting outcomes required for actors to maximize benefits in the context. Extreme voters, of course, will continue voting for their favoured party, just as they did during the on-year election. On the one hand, communal competition for votes on the unionist-nationalist dimension is intensified. Parties may maximize policy and office-holding, in addition to votes. According to the model in this article, even office-seeking candidates with complete information do not converge due to the trade-off between resources and votes. While candidates use the resources to attract extra votes, candidates must, in some models, respond to the issue preferences of the activists who fund them. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. |
反思网英语在线翻译词典收录了377474条英语词汇在线翻译词条，基本涵盖了全部常用英语词汇的中英文双语翻译及用法，是英语学习的有利工具。