| 词汇 | example_english_party |
| 释义 | Examples of partyThese examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. The nature and magnitude of the problem-determined through a systematic risk assessment process-needs to be determined and openly communicated to all relevant parties. There were certain reform policies that all progressive parties could agree upon. Only interested parties who have a large material stake in it need to pretend that it is one indivisible entity. Both the problems and the proposed solutions of the parties were addressed to specific, practical needs of the moment. Attached parties are joined at particular points, which include the face and voice. The review should be conducted fairly for all relevant parties. The basic assumption being made in this study is that parties have a major rôle to play in democratic governance. The process is, however, self-destructive to the parties locked in dispute. To some degree the impartiality has depended on there being a large measure of policy agreement and continuity between the parties in government. With 36 per cent of the manual workers' vote in 1987 the party's share of the working-class vote was the highest for any post-war election. In addition to generating a mistrust of politics and political parties, this had another effect- the rise of the bureaucrat. What to do with parties once they have lost their principles and therefore their respectability? Political parties and democracy: the core of the political problem is always the same. Competition between the parties was, however, somewhat less than in previous years. Have both the parties acted in good faith? Errors of overnomination can occur only when a party's nominating strategy results in one or more losing candidacies. Thus, divided government can serve the interests of moderate voters, particularly in periods when political parties advocate extreme policies. Opening up the policy process to public, parties and politicians should be done with due reticence. We expect these committees will not exhibit a strong tendency to fall in the majority party's target area on its side of the chamber median. Unfortunately, parties have only limited resources with which to prepare for office. Their claim that higher levels of unemployment help extreme right parties is valid given their model. Furthermore, the effectiveness of a local campaign is not just a matter of local parties being rich in resources. First, we scored all parties as having a left-right position equal to its mean value over the entire post-war period. The net impact concerns the effect on parties. Understanding how parties behave is not the end of the process, but it is the best beginning. If parties are disciplined, then every government coalition is a legislative coalition. High valence parties will contest the electoral centre, but will not, in fact, position themselves at the electoral mean. Consensual issues do not allow the parties to distinguish themselves from their adversaries during an electoral campaign. Indeed, the wish to avoid such veto power may both contribute to surplus coalitions and to grand coalitions between major parties. Polarization of congressional parties emerges as the ideological distribution of congressional seats changes. The model is run under twelve different conditions - three initial parties and four initial parties, and within each of these six different informational conditions. They attribute this result to certain reforms of the party's nominating process. At the same time, they centre on organizations that, like parties, are in direct competition with each other. Obviously, by competing in parliamentary elections, parties compete for office, but this does not mean that their goal is actually to attain office. In majoritarian systems, the winning party's leader is inevitably the prime minister. One viewed the community as an object - a network of interdependent systems, bureaucratic organizations, interest groups, political parties, and so forth, which is acted upon. Suppose two people disagree about an important issue, and the disagreement is not due to one party's epistemic negligence or obliviousness to relevant evidence. The actors are able to reach common agreement on their preferences and are open to ties with other parties. In research on the policy impact of partisan governments, parties are often - although mostly implicitly - conceptualised as policy oriented. The party's electorate basically resembles the complexion of society. As a result, interested parties can estimate the present value of the pension benefits. The papers represented the views of different parties affected by breathlessness or those involved in their care. Other political parties have limited space in which to thrive. Moreover, in a liberal democracy with a well-developed private sector, would-be hegemonic efforts to extend the party's influence through society can have unexpected results. Not only did all parties deny that deeply entrenched economic interests had become part and parcel of the conflict. In so doing, it is salutary to measure the performance of the parties against their assessments of the prospects. The government raised wages and allowed opposition parties to participate in the 1981 legislative elections. The data were collected at home parties, lunchtime breaks, and other private venues. In so doing, he treats the parties' identities as having been established. Thus, the latter method is more appropriate to appraise a party's regional electoral strength. Here we define a party's regional strength as its relative electoral performance in a region compared to its national performance. Second, these two parties animate all the regions. In the end this elaborate process has so far sustained the electoral dominance of the two national parties. Opposition parties lack an independent material base to effectively challenge the regime. Such elections require not only the active participation of political parties to ensure competition and form a government, but also to legitimise the government. Furthermore, the way in which this threshold is applied also affects the number and nature of political parties gaining representation. Political parties, despite their weaknesses and manipulation, are characteristic of liberal democracy. The bone of contention is the section on registration of political parties. Is it possible to envision a democratic future without political parties ? They also held meetings with non-governmental organisations and the leaders of the major political parties. Delayed settlement introduces credit risk-one of the parties may default. On the other hand, vote mobilization by large interest groups can be no substitute for other linkages between political parties and voters. In other words, voters had good reason to vote strategically within parties to maximize the number of seats their side would win. I interpret their findings to mean that parties are not necessarily punished for pursuing suboptimal strategies. During the entire post-war period there are only five occasions (1950, 1951, 1955, 1964 and 1997) in which the parties leapfrog each other. Both models suggest that innovation is rarely a successful strategy for parties out of power. Singularly lacking is a systematic, replicable method of identifying the strategies these parties pursue. To control for this possibility, the data were quartiled on the basis of the incumbent party's support in the previous election. According to this definition - ideology-as-shorthand - it should have been no more difficult to assess a party's positions than to formulate one's own ideology. Distinguishing between these two alternative hypotheses has important implications for the behaviour of political parties. The mid-point between the parties depends on the location of each party's mid-point. The transactions for both parties were done face to face (and privately) with the game administrator. The remaining parties agreed to pay their own costs. The preceding analysis provides prima facie evidence of close linkages between political parties, policy preferences and market outcomes. All of the other parties either did not believe in consensus, or they were unsure. The effective number of parties increased significantly and minority governments without stable support in parliament became the standard type of government. Actually, they appear to the electorate as responsible parties contributing to the governance of the country. Communist parties held a monopoly of power in communist countries. The potential for such liability claims will provide private parties with an added incentive to bring cases. First, private parties often lack the individual incentive to initiate litigation before national courts. The partisan theory states that in exchange for political support, parties serve as agents for the preferences and ideologies of their voters. The next election (1994) turned out to be disastrous for both parties. In this example, centre-right parties have repeatedly been returned to government. Political parties of the so-called radical opposition boycotted the elections for this reason. In this situation it was equally possible that other interested parties might want to strengthen the international reputation of the incumbent government. The largely cordial atmosphere that existed between parties is more difficult to account for. The numbers illustrate that nationally there have been two strong parties and other very small ones. Deputies are therefore highly dependent on their parties. A relatively high threshold, say at 7.5 %, is likely to result in fewer parties gaining representation than where the threshold is comparatively lower. The organisational development of individual parties is a third necessary component of any process of systemic institutionalisation. A year and a half after the constitution came into being, more than fifty political parties had emerged. Numerous political parties have gained representation, and they all have a stake in the survival of the regime. About 60 other parties also joined the electoral contest, both within and outside the major contending alliances. The large numbers of small parties have only rarely brought about a crisis of governability, however. The large number of small parties is usually explained in two ways. Elections may be nominally free, but governments engage in extensive gerrymandering, manipulation of voter registration and harassment of opposition parties. Twentythree second elections resulted in a lower effective number of parties, while only seven second elections resulted in a higher effective number of parties. Taking the campaign to some parts of the country proved especially difficult for parties without a presence in those areas. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. |
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