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词汇 example_english_interlocutor
释义

Examples of interlocutor


These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.
On two successive occasion 113 participants sat the oral test in groups composed of different interlocutors each time.
In these ways, open and vigorous discussion with diverse interlocutors improves the quality of one's deliberations.
In other words, the patient has successfully ' decoded ' his interlocutor's unstated intentions.
A narrated speech segment is formulated as appropriate to such interlocutors in such accounts.
Our presenter answered quite clearly to the question of why he used such a standard accent to address his audience interlocutors.
In spite of this, his speech is still far more standardized than that of his audience interlocutors for variables (r) and (l).
Here the interlocutors are exploring the newsworthiness of the forthcoming story.
As the verbal par t of their interaction is brief, a description of the interlocutors' nonverbal movements is included in the example itself.
The interlocutors were drinking par tners and good friends.
The dependence of language on context, whether of setting or of interlocutors, is well illustrated in this sensitively written book.
The contrasts found between location, interlocutors, and times rest on single studies, since the other patients studied were recorded only once.
On such occasions, the interlocutors oriented to the differences in their linguistic knowledge through their talk and other interactional conduct.
I was equally lucky in the choice of collaborators and interlocutors.
Because our personal and interactional experiences are different, our concepts are significantly different from those of our interlocutors.
Frames are interpretive devices that allow interlocutors to recognize that a given speech activity is a par ticular instance of a more general category.
The third intuition was that phatic interpretations become more likely when the social relationship between the interlocutors is in doubt.
Callers have routine ways of letting their interlocutors know why they have called.
The central feature of the model is the alignment of multiple levels of linguistic representations between interlocutors.
As noted in section 2, dialogue turns are not isolated utterances, but are linked across interlocutors.
However, this does not lead to communicative breakdown because aligned interlocutors develop the same situation models.
In both examples, full alignment at the linguistic level misleads interlocutors into believing that they also have alignment at the level of situation models.
In addition, such functions are essential for determining the intentions, desires, and emotions of one's interlocutors.
One factor that influences the decision is their assessment of the interlocutor's linguistic ability.
The authors point to how these interlocutors ' exploited accommodation with the colonial power as an avenue of private accumulation ' (p. 96).
Linguistic usage did not conform to what was most convenient to the interlocutors.
Rather, as with royal ceremonies, all interlocutors associated with it their own interpretations of the context, and adapted it to their systems of values.
In these examples, where a significant semantic difference is involved, the interlocutors may be helped by the environment or context of discourse.
What interlocutors are doing is acquiring new senses for words or expressions.
Common ground reflects what can reasonably be assumed to be known to both interlocutors on the basis of the evidence at hand.
Establishment of common ground involves a good deal of modeling of one's interlocutor's mental state.
In conclusion, we have argued that performing inferences about common ground is an optional strategy that interlocutors employ only when resources allow.
Nevertheless, under certain circumstances interlocutors do engage in strategic inference relating to (full) common ground.
The authors propose that interlocutors use routines which are developed "on the fly" during dialogue (similar to idioms like "kick the bucket").
In our theory, successful communication involves the alignment of interlocutors' representations.
In such studies interlocutors had opportunities for feedback and repair that the overhearers lacked.
In our account, interlocutors align on representations relevant to the dialogue.
Conversations allow interlocutors to share meaning conveyed by body postures, facial cues, and intonation - apart from the particular strings of words that are used.
We argue that this repair mechanism can reestablish alignment when interlocutors' representations diverge without requiring them to model each other's mental states.
The first is that interlocutors do not need to take into account differences between speaker and hearer knowledge and perspectives, except for repair strategies.
In a dialogue, then, interlocutors necessarily make use of identical representations in producing their utterances.
Fiveyear-olds also provide information that does not relate to the interlocutor's expectations, and they do not differentiate linguistic forms such as reported speech.
In normal conversations, for instance, we assume that our interlocutors are rational, even though this might not be true.
Another regularity emerges when we see that children's mixing also changes to accommodate the specific language of their interlocutors.
A successive exchange of minimal response tokens occurs between the interlocutors (lines 7-9).
I consider it more relevant, however, to analyze how interlocutors exploit what looks like a philosophical given.
Generally speaking, referential communication situations require that the participant respond to the interlocutor's needs of information.
The current example clearly demonstrates the two interlocutors' complex utilization of multiple available resources in communication.
The capacity of the canzone villanesca to expose the interlocutor's behaviour guarantees a constant stream of reports about the women who populate the genre.
As we will see in a moment, language technologies - especially those that are computer-based - weaken the interlocutor's imperative to pay attention.
Interviews and press conferences differ from speeches and, even more, from written documents, because one's interlocutors are physically present and are there to ask questions.
In reaction to certain actions or opinions, one may insult one's interlocutors (swine) and even utter a threat (mof-me-de).
They depend on context, on the interlocutor's characteristics, their pragmatic intentions and the quality of their relationship with the child.
Other factors being equal, men display a dialect-oriented behavior irrespectively of their interlocutor's language choice.
On the other hand, the presenter is as nonstandard as his audience interlocutors for variables (s) and 'reduction'.
We shall call the latter the audience interlocutors from now on.
He does not seem to be interested in expressing 'shared identity' with the audience interlocutors, at least by linguistic means.
Rather, once they materialize into utterances they enter a process of "negotiation of meaning," where the interlocutor's response plays a crucial role.
The term "negotiation" refers to the modification and information restructuring that takes place when learners and their interlocutors experience difficulty in understanding messages.
Our hypothesis is that this important generation gap proves to be meaningful in the use of dialect in street encounters with unknown interlocutors.
Imagine that we are interlocutors in a non-educated social context.
I believe that interactants typically weigh the necessity and the potential benefits of engaging in interaction with interlocutors who come from another (often national) culture.
Crosstalk is shown to be functionally motivated by interlocutors' different constructions of the speech-event context and norms of interpretation.
Such processes of personification and naturalization equip social actors with culture-internal diagrams for reckoning the identities of interlocutors.
Here, however, the social distance between the interlocutors is not great.
In this par ticular case, the power difference between the two interlocutors - a chief and a member of his community - was great.
An interchange is defined as one or more rounds of talk, all of which serve a unitary interactive function implicitly agreed upon by the interlocutors.
Movements must produce various media, and then organize meetings, press conferences, direct actions and other events in which interlocutors are invited or forced to think.
Given such prickly interlocutors, it was hard to calibrate the right tactics.
We have rules that enable us to deal with conflicting statements of our interlocutors.
In normal communication, as mentioned above, we usually assume that our interlocutors will only make remarks that are relevant to the purpose of the conversation.
The present study contributes to the growing body of evidence that young bilingual children are sensitive to their interlocutor's language preferences.
Because of possible mitigating influences in parent-child interactions, noted earlier, we chose to examine this issue in interactions between bilingual children and unfamiliar interlocutors.
Utterances from both the parental interlocutors and the children were coded.
Extended paraphrase of the interlocutor's message to check that the speaker has understood correctly.
Moreover, the aspect of an interlocutor's knowledge that has to be monitored can often be circumscribed by goal structures.
Like listeners in a conversation, interpreters of legal rules also make assumptions about the actions of their interlocutors and the purpose of their enterprise.
Hence, they will tend to repeat syntactic and lexical forms, and therefore to align with their interlocutors.
By virtue of the isomorphy between interlocutors' linguistic representations, interlocutors align their linguistic representations fully.
In general, we expect that rate of alignment may be affected by social factors even when the interlocutors are unaware that they are aligning.
However, his primary focus is on the nature of the strategies employed by the interlocutors rather than basic processing mechanisms.
Thus, interlocutors do not align representations at different linguistic levels independently.
In dialogue, speakers do not normally aim simply to repeat their interlocutors' utterances.
With syntax defined as monotonic growth of semantic representations as each word is parsed, alignment between interlocutors is shown to be expected.
Given the use of parsing tools to induce production steps, in successful communication, interlocutors must coincide on constructing some particular sequence of structures.
The photophone is a telephone-like device that allows the interlocutors to see each other's still picture on a small screen while talking.
The structure of dialogue, moreover, disallows the taking up of any position beyond the interlocutors from which they can be integrated into a larger totality.
His interlocutors accept the combined evidence he offers of eye and ear.
If the interlocutors understand each other, we can hardly fault their language.
Knowing the interlocutors' ethnicity enables one to gauge their language preferences and proficiency.
In other words, whatever is happening to the speaker's articulatory representations is also happening to his interlocutor's.
In (unresolved) arguments, interlocutors have representations that cannot be identical.
Unlike common ground, implicit common ground does not derive from interlocutors explicitly modeling each other's beliefs.
Of course, interlocutors need not entirely align their situation models.
Both interlocutors are therefore making important choices about alternative forms and interpretations.
In any conversation where information is conveyed, the interlocutors must have somewhat different models, at least before the end of the conversation.
However, the simplicity of its mechanisms for dialogue coordination may be overstated and the hypothesized direct priming channel between interlocutors' situation models is questionable.
In other words, we assume that alignment provides an explanation of the manner in which interlocutors produce and interpret contributions.
Consider, as an example, how dialogue can establish the relative status of interlocutors, independently of the words that are used.
If both interlocutors attempt to set the conversational agenda, there is a dominance contest.
These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.
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